Rhetoric

Well, it least someone is trying to remove the chill from the air. In an interview with the London Times, Putin’s chief of staff said:

The problems that have been highlighted recently in the media and political circles have been wildly exaggerated. … Our biggest problem is the rhetoric. We do have differences with our Western partners, but nothing of critical importance and certainly nothing that cannot be resolved through direct dialogue.

I think he’s right, and I wonder what strange game Cheney and the rest of the US administration are playing with Russia.

According to the article, the Russian government is using a US public relations firm to help them with their image. It’s a shame it seems necessary, but if that’s how the game is played here, they’re smart to give it a shot.

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Defense

Big headline today in Izvestia:

Буш отправляет войска охранять южную границу США

That is, “Bush sends troops to guard southern border of US.” Which is accurate (I even watched some of the address on “immigration reform” last night, out of morbid curiosity). Sounds as stupid in English as it does in Russian, doesn’t it?

Oh, I forgot. We’re at war. It’s like the movie Rocky, as Colbert tells it:

The president in this case is Rocky Balboa and Apollo Creed is … everything else in the world.

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Sacked

Two days after declaring the elimination of corruption one of his government’s highest priorities, Russian president Vladimir Putin fired ten high-ranking officials. He said the dismissals were not timed to coincide with his state-of-the-nation address, although he said he knew they were in the works as he prepared his speech. He said there may be more to come.

The actions left some unimpressed. As the Moscow Times reports:

Georgy Satarov, head of Indem, a think tank that deals with corruption-related issues, was skeptical of what the shake-up would bring. “It’s battling corrupt individuals, not corruption,” Satarov told Interfax. “The system needs to be changed.”

Today’s Slate has an piece by Peter Sadovnik that asks: “Can a Westerner understand the Russian people’s love of strong leaders?” He writes:

For 15 years, at least, a cultural-cognitive gap has been growing between the people and the state. That space is a manifestation of the public’s alienation from its government. Attempts to paper over that alienation, to foist a new solidarity on an old people, are absurd. The people, especially the young people who are impervious to the old dogma, know this.

So, too, does the president, who’s not a Soviet premier so much as a tsar, dispensing with ideology and reappropriating the powers of 19th-century imperialism. Whether it’s single-handedly rerouting massive oil pipelines or reorganizing the federal bureaucracy, Putin has not so much resurrected a dead superstate as responded to Russians’ long-festering desire for a “strong hand.”

And so the day after Victory Day, the president gave his State of the Nation address and told Russians that they need to have more babies. Noting that the population has been declining—from roughly 150 million in the early 1990s to 140 million today—he mapped out a series of financial incentives for women to have more children.

Whether more Russians women will become mothers for the sake of the motherland is unknown. There is, of course, something odd about a president telling his people to make more babies—procreation tends to be a personal matter. But this is not how tsars think. And the Russian people—most of them, at least—love their tsar.

I don’t understand this love. I don’t know why so many Russians I’ve met think their leaders are extensions of themselves, like arms or toes or earlobes. After all, they have less power to choose their leaders than we do in the United States.

An interlude before Sadovnik’s final paragraph: his article begins with a description of the Stalin-era building he moved into, built 64 years ago by German prisoners of war. His agent had informed him that in Moscow real-estate circles, “Stalin” and “German” add value, seting the building apart from the crappy apartments built hastily after the war—the so-called khrushchoby (хрущебы—a play on трущобы [slum]).

To return: Sadovnik doesn’t understand this love of Russians for their new “tsar”:

This is what I thought when my real-estate broker told me that German prisoners of war had built my apartment building, when a dictator who killed tens of millions of his own people was vozhd [вождь]the great leaderand that this makes my apartment more valuable. She smiled at me when I asked if anyone thought it a bit eerie living in a place that smelled of a violent past. Did this make the building tainted perhaps? “You can’t do better for this price,” she said—a bit smugly, I should add.

I will leave it to the reader to note the apparent archetypicality of the Real Estate Agent and to decide what it augurs for the new Russia and for good old America.

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Blogology

I have this funny urge to do a taxonomy of blogs. Some of the distinguishing characteristics would be:

  • Single author | multiple authors
  • Multiple posts per day | multiple days between posts
  • Blogger does | does not already have an outlet in traditional media
  • Blogger did | did not acquire an outlet in traditional media because of blogging
  • Blog(ger) is an appendage of traditional media
  • Theme or organizing principle of blog:
    ~ Politics/public policy
    ~ Popular culture
    ~ Career/field of expertise
    ~ Personal experiences/thoughts (cf. traditional [private] journal/diary)
    ~ Hobby/hobbyhorse
    ~ A lark/place to BS
  • Blog has | does not have advertising
  • Blog accepts | does not accept donations
  • Blog accepts | does not accept comments
  • Blogger responds | does not respond to comments
  • Blog has more | fewer comments than posts
  • Blog is | is not part of a blog ring
  • Apparent motivation of blogger (this will be tricky):
    ~ Self-marketing
    ~ Self-display
    ~ Self-help
    ~ Self-immolation
    ~ World-love
    ~ World-hate
    ~ World-weariness, escape from
    ~ World-entente, attempt at
    ~ Generalized subversion/anarchic acting-out/nose-thumbing
    ~ Generalized connecting/ad hoc community-building
    ~ Practice at word structures
    ~ Ennui

Today I stumbled across two blogs that date back to 2001, and it rather stunned me. Both of them are quite busy blogs, one by a big-shot law professor whom I don’t care to name, the other by an unknown (as far as I know) researcher at a Washington think tank who at one point in his life had pursued a Ph.D. in philosophy. I’d have to do a bit of research to determine when the first blogs started sprouting. I remember testing out some blogging applications several years ago, but didn’t keep them up—in fact, they were never made public. I was just trying to keep up with the technology—part of my motivation was to see if it might be useful at my day job. In the intervening years I’ve spent a great deal of time and spilled many words in the (private) family forum I set up, where, due to the size of the family, my readership is vastly greater than it is here (or so it seems—the response is certainly greater).

So—why did I start blogging? Why am I not among the 97% of humanity that is blogless? Maybe someday I’ll let you all know.

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Agenda

Yesterday Vladimir Putin delivered his yearly address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation—the Russian equivalent of the American president’s “state of the union” address. His basic themes were (in order of delivery):

  1. The need to eliminate corruption and ensure fairness;
  2. The need to stimulate the economy and make it competitive on a global scale, to resuscitate certain key industries (including agriculture) and develop new technologies, to make the ruble a convertible currency;
  3. The need to modernize in the areas of education and healthcare;
  4. The need to deal with Russia’s potentially catastrophic loss of population by encouraging larger families;
  5. The need to improve the country’s means of protection against overt threats and resistance to outside pressure, including the construction of new navy vessels, the development of new weapon systems and defenses, the creation of a predominant professional layer in the armed services;
  6. The need to create stronger alliances with individual countries and international organizations (including the WTO) and to help reform the UN, whose foundations lie in a completely different epoch, but which continues to be a crucial stabilizing force in today’s world.

The centerpiece of the address was an extended discussion of Russia’s demographic problem—the country has been losing 700,000 people a year. The New York Times properly noted this emphasis in its coverage of Putin’s speech. The Washington Post, on the other hand, ran an AP story with the scare headline: “Putin Hits Back, Criticizing U.S. In Yearly Address; Russian Leader Calls for Stronger Military”; it devoted two scant paragraphs to the topic the Times writer spent most of his time discussing.

In support of point number 1, Putin noted one of the most basic traits of Russian life: the low level of trust of citizens toward certain elements of Russian government and big business. “And it’s perfectly understandable,” he said. The hopes raised by the changes of the early ’90s were not fulfilled. Some representatives of these two groups, “ignoring the norms of law and morality, moved on to engage in personal aggrandizement at the expense of the majority of citizens to an extent that is unprecedented in our country’s history.” He goes on:

In the working out of a great national program seeking the primary good of the greater number, it is true that the toes of some people are being stepped on, and are going to be stepped on. But these toes belong to the comparative few who seek to retain or to gain position or riches or both by some short cut that is harmful to the greater good.

“Fine words,” Putin says. “It’s a shame I didn’t think of them myself. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, 1934. They were spoken during the Great Depression. Many countries have struggled with the same problems we face today. And many found worthy solutions.” (In Putin’s Russian version of the quote, FDR was stepping on other people’s corns, which made it even more painful. FDR’s English was found here.)

As Putin was making his transition to the subject of demographics, a word popped up that is rarely heard in such circumstances, in Russia or the United States:

And now for the main thing. What is that, for us? [A male voice: “Love”] Yes, you’re right. At the Defense Ministry, they know what’s the most important thing for us. And I actually will be talking about love, about women, about children. [Applause] About family. And about the most acute problem in Russian today—demographics. [Applause]

Putin goes on to propose a wide array of benefits and incentives for women who have a second or third child. Whether they will have a measurable impact on a very complex problem (one that is not purely economic in nature) remains to be seen. Continue reading

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1101110010110100000

There are 10 types of people in the world: those who understand binary and those who don’t those who are sick of this joke. (Google says there are about 452,00010 instances of it on the web.)

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Indescribable

I had an Inca Kola today at El Pollo Rico. Man, is that stuff sweet! Tastes sort of like bubblegum, which made me wonder: what the heck is bubblegum flavor? I mean, it must be built out of something—some well-defined set of flavors in certain proportions. I know it has vanilla in it. My tablemate, the famous Ken, agreed. I suggested it also contains some combination of fruit flavors—strawberry? Maybe banana. Ken seemed skeptical about banana, but agreed that strawberry is probably implicated.

I’m not the only one who cares, by the way. And it turns out—well, I hate to brag …

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Preacherman

Our beloved vice president has journeyed to Vilnius in the former Soviet Union to criticize the democracy being run by the current Kremlin-dwellers. The Russians, naturally, found him “completely incomprehensible.” (Welcome to the club, друзья.) Cheney also accused the Russian government of using oil and gas to intimidate or blackmail other countries. He then jumped over to Kazakhstan to promote a new gas pipeline that will bypass Russia. The BBC’s diplomatic correspondent writes:

The scramble for energy resources, so-called “pipeline diplomacy,” has been likened to “the Great Game” during the 19th Century—the struggle for influence in Central Asia.

The Russian press was paying close attention:

It is becoming more and more obvious that the struggle between the US and Russia for influence in the former Soviet republics is becoming more acute … Essentially, the US leadership is bidding for the creation on the territory of the former USSR of another regional alliance, called upon not just to become an alternative to the CIS but its gravedigger. (Vladimir Skripov et al., Vremya Novostey

Dick Cheney’s speech in Vilnius … was the sharpest attack on Russia an American leader has made since the end of the Cold War. The subject of the Cold War was the leitmotiv of the US vice president’s whole speech. This expression, first famously coined by Winston Churchill in Fulton exactly 60 years ago, was used by Dick Cheney three times … In effect, Dick Cheney’s words mean that the Cold War is resuming, but the “front line” has now shifted. (Mikhail Zygar, Kommersant)

On the one hand, Moscow was shown the advantages of “good behaviour” on her part. Iran was not mentioned, but the word could easily be read between the lines. On the other hand, the Kremlin was issued with an unambiguous warning … He (Cheney) is not the kind of politician with whom agreement can easily be reached. Even if Moscow meets them halfway and surrenders Iran, it does not at all mean that it will rid itself of Cheney’s sermons. He is like a bulldog which, once he sinks his teeth into your back, will not let go. (Mikhail Rostovsky, Moskovskiy Komsomolets)

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Aversions

I don’t know how it came up, but for some reason our daughter found a reason to tell her mother on the phone that she doesn’t like the word “flab.” Not that she doesn’t like flab itself (which may or may not be the case); she doesn’t like the word—something about the sound being too much like the thing itself. “Another word I don’t like is ‘moist,'” she said. She had mentioned that to a friend, and the friend said, “I totally agree.” Then she added one of her own: crusty. And our daughter totally agreed.

As for me, I don’t like the word “totally.”

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Colbert

I thought I could get away with just enjoying Stephen Colbert’s brilliant performance at the White House Correspondents’ Association Dinner. But I feel strangely compelled to say something, something more than the stray remarks I’ve dropped in my family forum and in comment boxes at various sites.

That the president didn’t find Colbert’s ironic “celebration” of him funny is hardly surprising. Some who were amused seemed to find it strange that the audience of reporters and muckamucks was not—that they were, in fact, visibly discomfitted, or hid their smirks behind their hands as they leaned on their elbows and watched the vivisection of George W. Bush, eyes darting from the torturer to the tortured up on the dais, mouths curled in disdain when the barbs would periodically change direction and land in their midst.

After initially reporting only on the president’s antics with his competent but predictable doppelgänger and largely ignoring Colbert, the corporate media bestirred itself a few days later to acknowledge the fact that Colbert, who supposedly bombed at the Washington Hilton on Saturday, was all the rage online on Sunday, Monday, Tuesday … (Copies of the C-SPAN’s broadcast sprouted all over the internet like mushrooms after a storm.) “Yeah, but he wasn’t that funny,” the big names of the big media sniffed.

In a sense, they were right. Colbert had bombed—them. The president and the press. And if you were one of them, it didn’t feel very funny. If you weren’t, and if you thought they have both been criminally negligent if not malfeasant for the last five years (or even more, in the case of the press), it wasn’t just funny, it was exquisite.

Supposedly Colbert broke the rules. Supposedly the annual Correspondents’ Dinner is a time for the press and the president to lay aside their differences and enjoy some good-natured ribbing. In ancient times warring Greeks would lay down their arms every four years and celebrate their common humanity in sporting competition. When Calvin Coolidge attended the first Correspondents’ Dinner, no doubt the feeling was similar, but without the naked athletes. It has since become a sort of high-toned amateur hour, with skits and standup performed by those who should keep their day jobs, and generally do.

So now, in the Year of Our Lord 2006, here cometh to the banquet the jester Stephen Colbert, and he gives them a spot-on caricature of a right-wing, fact-challenged TV blowhard. That’s what he does five days a week on The Colbert Report on Comedy Central. It should have been acceptable. Why wasn’t it? It soon became clear it was not “all in fun.” There was just too much nasty reality in it—truthy bits everyone is afraid to say to Bush’s face, the kinds of things a court fool would tell the king to keep the guy grounded.

But the main thing is, it showed that the White House correspondents had already broken the rules: they had not spent the previous 364 days being a pain in the president’s ass. They had been his willing accomplices for five years running. They had been derelict in their duties. So Colbert was being perfectly traditional in flipping the president–press corps relationship; it’s just that the relationship had already been flipped. The president would get one day of rough treatment after hundreds of days of kiss-kiss. Then they could go back to their high-status, high-paying stenography, the president could go back into his bubble, and Colbert would go back to his “proper” audience—folks who appreciate irony, think facts are worth paying attention to, and suspect the motives of those in power.

After rubbing the tender spots where they collectively got gored, the mainstream press may eventually smack its collective forehead and cry out, “Hey, that damned ox was right!” Then again, if the bloggers think Colbert was great, he must be a real stinker with a real stinking agenda. “God, I hate bloggers!”

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