Rachel

Why would a play that ran successfully in London and was headed for New York City suddenly have the rug pulled out from under it?

Rachel Corrie, a young American peace activist, died three years ago beneath an Israeli bulldozer in front of a Palestinian pharmacist’s house in Gaza. She was 23 years old, and she left some words behind. Her words don’t clarify the murky circumstances surrounding her death, but they paint a moving picture of her life and her beliefs, according to those who have seen My Name is Rachel Corrie in London.

The Nation has attempted to answer the question posed above, in an editorial (“An American Inquisition?”) and an article by Philip Weiss (“Too Hot for New York”). Weiss’s article shows many people dancing around the elephant in the room, everyone reluctant to pinpoint the cause. And, truly, it seems the cause is too diffuse to capture in a word or phrase. But the general outlines emerge, and Weiss produces them at the article’s end, after quoting theater blogger George Hunka’s description of the controversy as “an extraordinarily rare picture of the ways that New York cultural institutions make their decisions about what to produce.”

Hunka doesn’t use the J-word. Jen Marlowe does. A Jewish activist with Rachelswords.org (which is staging a reading of Corrie’s words on March 22 with the Corrie parents present), she says, “I don’t want to say the Jewish community is monolithic. It isn’t. But among many American Jews who are very progressive and fight deeply for many social justice issues, there’s a knee-jerk reflexive reaction that happens around issues related to Israel.”

Questions about pressure from Jewish leaders morph quickly into questions about funding. Ellen Stewart, the legendary director of the theatrical group La MaMa E.T.C., which is across East 4th Street from the [New York Theatre] Workshop, speculates that the trouble began with its “very affluent” board. Rachel’s father, Craig Corrie, echoes her. “Do an investigation, follow the money.” I called six board members and got no response. (About a third appear to be Jewish, as am I.) This is of course a charged issue. The writer Alisa Solomon, who was appalled by the postponement, nonetheless warns, “There’s something a little too familiar about the image of Jews pulling the puppet strings behind the scenes.”

Perhaps. But [NYTW artistic director James] Nicola’s statement about a back channel to Jewish leaders suggests the presence of a cultural lobby that parallels the vaunted pro-Israel lobby in think tanks and Congress. I doubt we will find out whether the Workshop’s decision was “internally generated,” as [Pulitzer Prize-winning playwright Tony] Kushner contends, or more orchestrated, as I suspect. What the episode has demonstrated is a climate of fear. Not of physical harm, but of loss of opportunities. “The silence results from fear and intimidation,” says Cindy Corrie [Rachel Corrie’s mother]. “I don’t see what else. And it harms not only Palestinians. I believe, from the bottom of my heart, it harms Israelis and it harms us.”

Kushner agrees. Having spent five months defending Munich, he says the fear has two sources: “There is a very, very highly organized attack machinery that will come after you if you express any kind of dissent about Israel’s policies, and it’s a very unpleasant experience to be in the cross hairs. These aren’t hayseeds from Kansas screaming about gays burning in hell; they’re newspaper columnists who are taken seriously.” These attackers impose a kind of literacy test: Before you can cast a moral vote on Palestinian rights, you must be able to recite a million wonky facts, such as what percentage of the territories were outside the Green Line in 1949. Then there is the self-generated fear of lending support to anti-Semites or those who would destroy Israel. All in all, says Kushner, it can leave someone “overwhelmed and in despair—you feel like you should just say nothing.”

Who will tell Americans the Middle East story? For generations that story has been one of Israelis as victims, and it has been crucial to Israeli policy inasmuch as Israel has been able to defy its neighbors’ opinions by relying on a highly sympathetic superpower. Israel’s supporters have always feared that if Americans started to conduct the same frank discussion of issues that takes place in Tel Aviv, we might become more evenhanded in our approach to the Middle East. That pressure is what has stifled a play that portrays the Palestinians as victims (and thrown a blanket over a movie, Munich, that portrays both sides as victims). I’ve never written this sort of thing before. How moving that we have been granted that freedom by a 23-year-old woman with literary gifts who was not given time to unpack them.

I’ve noted many times that one is more likely to find an open, multisided discussion of the Palestinian issue in the Israeli press than in the American media. Kudos to The Nation.

On the broader issue of the power and influence of the “Israel lobby,” see this recent article by two American scholars—in the London Review of Books.

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5 Responses to Rachel

  1. Dan Drezner beat me to the punch in linking to the Mearsheimer/Walt article. His post is reasonably critical of the piece (i.e., critical in a reasonable way), but the comments demonstrate how quickly charges of (1) antisemitism and (2) idiocy start flying. (Drezner himself had to clarify his solicitation of other opinions by adding an update: “OK, I should have said, ‘I’m eager to hear what others think … after they read the article.” [emphasis in the original])

    He also says he’s “surprised and disappointed that the article has gotten zero coverage from the mainstream media in the United States. I completely agree with Walt and Mearsheimer that this is a topic that needs more open debate.” Am I surprised? No. The topic is toxic.

    P.S. 2006.03.21: Drezner’s follow-up post. He continues to play down the extent of AIPAC’s influence and to criticize Mearsheimer and Walt’s “piss-poor, monocausal social science.” In an effort to play up the diversity of opinion in this country about US–Israel relations, he serves up a remarkable quote from Moment magazine:

    An academic committee at Berkeley chose Oren Yiftachel, a professor of geography at Ben-Gurion University, as the first Diller Visiting Professor. Yiftachel is one of the Israeli academics most critical of his country’s policies. In a 2001 article, his words echoed those of [Palestinian-American scholar Edward] Said: “The actual existence of an Israeli state (and hence citizenship) can be viewed as an illusion. Israel has ruptured, by its own actions, the geography of statehood, and maintained a caste-like system of ethnic-religious-class stratification. Without an inclusive geography and universal citizenship, Israel has created a colonial setting, held through violent control.”

    Needless to say, these were not the kinds of statements that [Helen] Diller had envisioned to bring calm to the embattled campus. Still, having given the endowment, there was nothing she could do but wince. For his part, Yiftachel resents the criticism his lectures received in the Jewish press. “How can they come and criticize an Israeli for being critical of Israel,” argues Yiftachel, who has since returned to Ben-Gurion University, “when my life is here, my mother is here, my children are here? I work to improve this country, and they just bark from a distance.” The Diller endowment, he adds, is superb in that allows scholars of vastly different political persuasions to lecture at Berkeley.

    If Drezner has a blind spot, it’s that he seems to underestimate how desperate most non-Jewish Americans (and especially American intellectuals) are to avoid being labeled “antisemitic” and how that aversion can be exploited without even trying. He has shown himself to be above that, but his goodwill is not universally shared. He wants to have an open discussion with Israel’s critics, but who else does?

    P.P.S. 2006.03.24: more interesting follow-up at Drezner’s blog.

  2. P.P.P.S. 2006.03.31: Justin Raimondo provides a tendentious (of course!) but useful rundown of the response to Mearsheimer–Walt.

    P.P.P.P.S. 2006.04.03: More Raimondo (useful for its links especially).

    P.P.P.P.P.S. 2006.04.12: A former US ambassador weighs in. The blogosphere is abuzz with this; scattered coverage in the mainstream. The London Review of Books published five letters attacking Mearsheimer/Walt, which is fine (but did they receive no letters in support?). Last week the Washington Post published an execrable piece by Eliot Cohen, “Yes, It’s Anti-Semitic.” I sent an e-mail to him at his Johns Hopkins address (I have no interest in trying to get a letter to the editor in the WashPost—I just thought he should know that some people know how baldly he mischaracterized M/W and ended up proving their point). Today Alan Dershowitz did his thing over at Huffington Post (devoting almost half of it to his ongoing war with Norman Finkelstein), but his commenters were not impressed.

    P.P. … S. 2006.04.13: Norman Solomon links Mearsheimer–Walt and Rachel Corrie, which is were I began, and where I’ll stop.

  3. I had said above: 

    The London Review of Books published five letters attacking Mearsheimer/Walt, which is fine (but did they receive no letters in support?).

    Well, here’s my answer (from the 20 April 2006 issue):

    Besides those published here and in the last issue, we have received a great many letters in response to John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt’s piece—not all of them edifying, though we haven’t received any death threats, as one correspondent from New Jersey feared we would. …

    We don’t usually publish letters of simple praise, which meant that only letters putting the case against Mearsheimer and Walt appeared in the last number of the LRB. This led one correspondent to write: “Your obvious slant in the letters you have chosen to publish regarding the Israel Lobby establishes, once again, that Israeli apologists are alive and well and living at the London Review of Books.” It may be impossible to write or publish anything relating to Israel without provoking accusations of bias.

    The LRB plans to run a reply from Mearsheimer and Walt in the next issue.

  4. The reply from Mearsheimer and Walt hasn’t appeared yet, but Juan Cole has produced an excellent summation and a response to Dan Drezner. The comment from Weldon Berger is very interesting as well. Cole also links to the Philip Weiss article in The Nation and notes an odd thing that had struck me as well: “The big surprise: The influence of Leon Uris on American political science!”

  5. Mearsheimer and Walt’s response to letters in the London Review of Books. Pretty damn cogent, if you ask me.

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